This study analyzes trends in the manner in which the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, Sŏnghak sipto) (1568) written by Yi Hwang (1501–1570) was produced and disseminated (hereinafter referred to as “disseminated”),2deepened, and diffused3 by subsequent gen-erations of kings and Confucian scholars.4 Such an exercise is designed to identify the characteristics and significance of the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning that emerged during the Chosŏn era.

The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was produced by T’oegye Yi Hwang for King Sŏnjo, who was seventeen years old at the time, as the basis for his cultivation (suyang) and governance (ch’ise). It broke down the core contents of Neo-Confucianism into ten illustrations (or what is referred to as diagrams in the title), each of which contained a detailed explanation. As such, despite its small size, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning encompassed the core of Neo-Confucianism and T’oegye’s thought about the “Heavenly Way (天道, ch’ŏndo) was granted to human beings” and “How does a human being actualize the Heavenly Way he has been granted.”

The importance of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning in terms of the history of academics has resulted in many studies being conducted on this subject in both Korea and abroad.5 However, the influence exercised by the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning extended well beyond the reign of King Sŏnjo to whom it was first presented. Rather, the majority of the kings of Chosŏn who followed Sŏnjo used the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning as materials to cultivate a Neo-Confucian mindset. In addition, the kings disseminated the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to their meritorious subjects.6 In addition to its dissemination by kings, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was also a regular subject of ‘annotations’ written by scholars from ensuing generations.7 In addition, various types of woodblock printings of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were produced from the 16^th–early 20^th centuries. In this regard, the List of Korean Woodblock Printed Books8 includes some thirty-four woodblock printings of this particular work.9 As such, there has been a high demand for the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning throughout history.

Although many annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were produced during the 16^th–20^th centuries, there have been to date, with the notable exception of the study conducted by Prof. Keum Jang-tae (Kŭm Changt’ae), practically no studies on the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.10

To this end, the present study intends to complement existing studies results and to analyze how Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was disseminated amongst meritorious subjects in the aftermath of its presentation to King Sŏnjo, and based on the discovery of new materials, examine how the tenets of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were further deepened and diffused through the annotations written by scholars from ensuing generations. In addition, an effort is also made herein to comprehensively analyze the significance which the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the annotations of this book written by future generations of scholars had on the Confucian society of Chosŏn.

To this end, the contents and thought structure of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning is examined in section II. Section III deals with the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the characteristics of the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, with the latter divided into the works produced during the 16^th and 17^th, 18^th, 19^th, and 20^th centuries. In addition, an examination of the characteristics of the process through which the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was disseminated by the kings of Chosŏn, as well as of the trends and characteristics of the deepening and diffusion of the tenets of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning carried out by ensuing generations of Confucian scholars is, based on a review of the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, also conducted herein.

Furthermore, the analysis takes the form of the 1) chronological research and review of the characteristics of Chosŏn kings’ dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, and 2) the chronological research and review of the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning written by Confucian scholars. While there are few materials related to the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning by the kings to the meritorious subjects, there are many materials related to the annotations prepared by Confucian scholars in the aftermath of T’oegye’s life. As such, rather than comparatively analyzing all of the materials with contents related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, this study adopts the method of summarizing the characteristics of materials in a chronological manner.

While this study uses the Bibliography of Korean Literature (韓國文集叢刊, Han’guk munjip ch’onggan) as its main reference material, it also makes use of the Collection of Korean Historical Bibliographies (韓國歷代文集叢書, Han’guk yŏktae munjip ch’ongsŏ), the Annals of the Chosŏn dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄, Chosŏn wangjo sillok) and other supplementary materials. In addition, existing individual studies and materials are also made reference to.

1This study is a modified and summarized version of Lee Dongkun (Yi Tonggŏn), Study of the perceptions of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖) during the Chosŏn Era: with a special focus on the trends in terms of the dissemination, deepening and diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Chosŏn sidae sŏnghak sipto ihae e taehan yŏn’gu: Sŏnghak sipto yup’o wa simhwa, hwaksan ŭi yangsan ŭl chungsim ŭro), Ph.D. dissertation, Yeungnam University, 2010.  2‘Produced’ refers to the actual manufacturing of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning at the behest of the royal household. ‘Dissemination’ refers to both the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning amongst meritorious subjects at the behest of the royal household, and the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning amongst kings as part of their studies to become sage kings. The term sage learning (聖學, sŏnghak) employed in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, sŏnghak sipto) has two meanings. While one refers to the study of sages (聖人), the other refers to the study of sage kings (聖王). Yi Sangŭn, “Translation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (T’oegye sŏnsaeng Sŏnghak sipto yŏkhae)”, T’oegye hakpo (退溪學報), Vol. 2 (Seoul: The T’oegye Studies Institute, 1974)  3‘Deepening and diffusion’ refers to the process through which the philosophical framework of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was deepened and diffused through various Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning-related compilations produced by ensuing generations of Confucian scholars.  4‘1950s’ is included as the cutoff point for this study because it was during this period that Chŏng Taesu (1882–1959) left behind literature related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning in the form of his work Questions related to Reverence raised in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (敬題聖學十圖後, Kyŏngje Sŏnghak sipto hu) (1955). Chŏng is widely regarded as the last Confucian scholar during the period spanning from the end of the Taehan Empire to the modern era to write on this topic. The selection of the periods conducted herein was based on Kŭm Changt’ae, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnhak sipto wa t’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2001) pp. 303–321.  5The state of the translation and studies on the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning are saliently introduced in Kŭm Changt’ae, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnhak sipto wa t’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2001) pp. 326–329.  6King Sŏnjo ordered the meritorious subjects to make a clean copy of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Kyŏngyŏnsa (經筵事, Officials in Charge of Royal Lectures) to manufacture folding screens, which were to be edited by the scholars from the Hongmun’gwan (弘文館, Office of Special Advisors). He also produced the work in scrapbook form and disseminated it amongst officials (as evidenced in his Memorial for the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning [進聖學十圖箚, chin sŏnghak sipto ch’a], this was also T’oegye’s intention). Folding screens, scrapbooks, and printed versions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were produced during the 2nd year of King Sŏnjo (1569), 2nd year of the Kwanghaegun (1610), 1st year of King Injo (1623), 6th year of King Sukchong (1665), 31st year of King Yŏngjo (1755), and 23rd year of King Chŏngjo (1799). The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was used as materials for royal lectures during the 7th year of King Sukchong (1666) and 22nd year of King Yŏngjo (1746). Moreover, when royal envoys Yi Hubaek, Sŏ Changgwan and Yu Sŏngnyong visited Ming between October 1569 and April 1570, they conveyed the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to Wu Jing, a Ming official attached to the Yuhuaguan (玉華館) in Beijing.  7Here, ‘annotation’ does not mean the interpretation of all the words and phrases found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. It is a general name given to any written work related to the tenets of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning rendered using an annotative description style composed by ensuing generations of scholars. For example, this study included in the category of ‘annotations,’ 1) materials which explain and evaluate the value of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning; and 2) materials that use the contents and structure of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to explain the concept of sage learning.  8Chŏng Hyŏngwu et al., List of Korean Woodblock Printed Books (Han’guk ŭi ch’aekp’an mongnok) (Seoul: Pogyung Munhwasa, 1995).  9The first editions of the majority of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning currently classified and preserved as ancient books are unknown, the noted exception to this trend being the wooden block book printed in Hamhŭng during the 5th year of King Sŏnjo (1572) (currently housed in the National Library of Korea). There are approximately thirty-four kinds of printed block versions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning mentioned in the List of Korean Woodblock Printed Books.  10Keum Jang-tae, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and the Structure of T’oegye Philosophy (Sŏnghak sipto wa t’oegye ch’ŏlhak ŭi kujo) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2001) pp. 303–325.

T’oegye’s production of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was motivated by his desire to help King Sŏnjo, who ascended the throne at the young age of seventeen, acquire the ways of ‘sage learning (聖學, sŏnghak)’ needed to become a sage king (聖君, sŏnggun).

Despite having a lack of ambition in terms of the acquisition of government posts, T’oegye played an important part in the governance of the nation during the reign of King Sŏnjo. Finding himself incapable to refuse King Sŏnjo’s repeated summons any longer, T’oegye travelled to the capital in July 1567 to present his Six-provision Memorial to the Throne presented in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏, mujin yukchoso), a document that was meant to provide advice to King Sŏnjo on the affairs of kings The six provisions of the mujin yukchoso can be regarded as reflecting the periodic features of the time as viewed through T’oegye’s eyes.11 However, the contents of the mujin yukchoso were not well accepted by the powers that be. T’oegye responded to this affront by offering his resignation; however, before going he presented the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to King Sŏnjo, a document in which he expressed his heartfelt loyalty.

The era in which T’oegye lived and the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was produced can be regarded as having been a transitional period during which the meritorious subjects (hun’gup’a) disappeared from the historical stage as a political force in the aftermath of the literati purges (士禍, sahwa),12 and the sarim (forest of scholars) faction gradually grasped political power. It was under such circumstances that T’oegye prepared the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and presented it to King Sŏnjo. This document, which effectively served as his response to the demands made of him at the societal level at the time, introduced the future direction of sarim politics.

T’oegye regarded that social problems such as rampant corruption amongst the aristocracy and the conservation-oriented mindset of the ruling class represented by the meritorious elites and royal in-laws were the result of the ‘unfair nature of literati learning (士習)’. He suggested that the only way to overcome these social problems was by ‘creating new types of human beings who possess a correct human mind (正人心) through self-cultivation’. 13 T’oegye perceived that the production of such human resources was impossible under the existing national education system, whose functions he perceived as having been degraded to the mere selection of government officials. He emphasized self-cultivation and learning (修己之學) as the essential premise of any ruler (治人), and sought to produce a new literati elite through the founding of a new educational system rooted in self-cultivation called the sŏwŏn (書院, private academy).14

However, as the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was produced for King Sŏnjo, the demands for ‘self-cultivation’ made of the king were different from those made towards those pursuing a sŏwŏn (private academy) education, the latter of which were oriented towards individual cultivation. The nature of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning is well exhibited in the “Memorial for the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning” (進聖學十圖箚, chin sŏnghak sipto ch’a). T’oegye stressed that as the mind of a ruler is the place where the thousands of symbols originate and hundreds of responsibilities gather,15 becoming a sage king required one to avoid carelessness by deeply being precautious. Hereafter, T’oegye emphasized the fact that much as the rulers in old times had been precautious and cultivated their minds based on the notions of kongsong (工誦)16 and kimyŏng (器銘),17 the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was in fact designed to play the role of a precautionary work like kongsong (工誦) and kimyŏng (器銘) that would help King Sŏnjo complete the sage learning.18 This can be regarded as the main reason why T’oegye produced the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

In terms of the background to T’oegye’s frame of mind during the period in which he was producing the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, special attention needs to be paid to the major disputes which emerged during the development of Neo-Confucianism in Chosŏn, namely those over the notions of bound-lessness and the great absolute (無極太極論辨), the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions) (四七論辨), and over the similarities and differences in terms of the nature of man and matter (人物性同異論辨).19

The significance of the disputes over the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions) that emerged between Yi Hwang and Ki Taesŭng revolved around explanations of how li (理, principle) and ki (氣, material force) function based on the notions of sadan (four beginnings) and ch’ilchŏng (seven emotions). In other words, it clearly explains the process of the transformation from mind and nature (心性) to emotions (情). In addition, the Confucianism of Chosŏn in the 16^th century exhibited a trend towards the establishment of moral obligations (當爲性) and the foundation for external practices via the study of elementary learning (小學)—based self-discipline (修身). This denouement can be perceived as the result of the external practices and academic interest in the internal mind (心) displayed by the sarim faction during the early stages of their rise.

Amidst this trend in the development of Confucianism in Chosŏn, the status of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning emerged as the focal point of the disputes over the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions). To this end, the disputes over boundlessness and the great absolute (無極太極論辨) can be perceived as the process during early Chosŏn of establishing the churiron (主理論, theory of Li as the origin of the universe)—based perception of the world as part of the critical review of the Buddhism that had been so popular during the Koryŏ era. Meanwhile, the disputes over the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions), or sach’il nonbyŏn, can be regarded as the process of establishing the theoretical foundation for moral practices from the standpoint of churiron (主理論, theory of li as the origin of the universe) and chugiron (主氣論, theory of ki as the origin of the universe) that emerged as part of the deepening of the discussions of the mind and nature of human beings resulting from the advent of li-ki based interpretations of the four beginnings and seven emotions.

T’oegye’s churi (主理, li as the origin of the universe)—based mind—nature theory is clearly expressed in Chapter 6 of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning entitled the “Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions” (心統性情圖, simt’ongsŏng chŏngdo). Compiled following the establishment of the basic theory of Neo-Confucianism in Chosŏn, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning can be regarded as a work that expresses the overall structure of sage learning in diagram form, and as a summary of T’oegye’s philosophy regarding the process of, in a manner akin to the tenets of Hoejae Yi Ŏnjŏk’s churi (主理, li as the origin of the universe)—based perception of the world, erecting the theoretical basis for moral practices based on the mind-nature theory.

The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was not purely created by T’oegye. It was in fact more of a compilation.20 Nevertheless, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning has been evaluated as one of T’oegye’s representative works because it not only clearly exposes the core ideology of Neo-Confucianism in an organized manner, but also makes clear the teaching aspect of becoming a ‘sage king’ or ‘sage’ in a visual manner. The composition of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning can be seen in Table 1.

Based on the ideological characteristics addressed therein, T’oegye divided the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning into two parts. According to T’oegye, the first five diagrams present the essential framework based on the Heavenly Way (天道) that is needed to reveal the nature of humanity (人倫) and to concentrate on achieving virtuous deeds (德業).22 The remaining five diagrams presents the essential framework based on the theory of the mind and nature (心性) needed to make efforts for daily practice (日用), and to heighten the attitude of reverence (敬畏).23 As such, we can conclude that the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning is concerned with the notions of the Heavenly Way (天道), human relationships (人倫), virtuous deeds (德業), mind and nature (心性), daily practice (日用), and reverence (敬畏).

This is evidenced by a detailed analysis of the ten diagrams. T’oegye perceived the formation of the universe by the great absolute (太極) as the ‘Heavenly Way (天道)’. To this end, Chapter 1, Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate (太極圖) can be regarded as an introduction to the Heavenly Way (天道). Chapter 2, Diagram of the Western Inscription (西銘圖), deals with virtuous deeds (德業) such as respect for one’s elders, having mercy on the lonely and weak, and, based on the perception of the fundamental unity of the universe (物我一體 觀), helping the unfortunate by regarding them as one’s brothers. Chapter 4, Diagram of the Great Learning (大學圖), is related to the achievement of virtuous deeds (德業) as part of efforts to manifest virtue and to produce new people. Meanwhile, the discussion of the Five Cardinal Relationships (五倫, oryun) found in Chapter 3 Diagram of the Elementary Learning (小學圖), and Chapter 5, Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy (白鹿洞規圖) can be construed as an attempt to shed further light on human relations (人倫). For their part, Chapter 6, Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and Chapter 7, Diagram of Zhu Xi’s Explanation of Humanity (仁說圖) deal with the concept of the ‘mind and nature (心性)’ in an in-depth manner. Chapter 8, Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) is also to some extent focused on the concept of the mind and nature. The widespread focus on the character 敬 (reverence) in Chapter 8 Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖), and the listing of various attitudes and behaviors in Chapter 9, Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio (敬齋箴圖) can be understood as having been designed to facilitate the evocation of ‘reverence.’ Finally, Chapter 10, Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) seeks to reveal the ‘daily practices (日用)’ which one must engage in so as to exercise reverence (敬) in one’s daily life.24

Based on this overview of these ten diagrams, we can surmise that the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning is a work that deals with the metaphysical notion of the Heavenly Way (天道), self-cultivation centering on reverence (敬), as well as the advent of moral practices based on these notions of the Heavenly Way and selfcultivation. Here, it is important to note that the notion of reverence (敬) lay at the core of T’oegye’s thought. T’oegye himself made it amply clear that the core content in terms of these ten diagrams was the notion of reverence (敬).25 In Chapter 4, Diagram of the Great Learning (大學圖), he emphasized the importance of reverence(敬)26, using a direct quote taken from Zhu Xi’s commentary to do so.27

The characteristics of these notions mean that the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning in essence encompass the main issues and thoughts that were addressed by Neo-Confucianism. As such, T’oegye, the author of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, intended to shed light on the main issues affecting Neo-Confucianism by preparing a compilation of diagrams and theories that exhibited his own academic stance.

11The six provisions that make up the Six-provision Memorial to the Throne presented in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏, mujin yukchoso) consist of: Provision 1) Place great im-portance on the succession to the throne as part of efforts to fulfill benevolence and filial duty (仁孝) (重繼統,以全仁孝); Provision 2) Ensure cordiality between both sides by preventing the advent of false charges(杜讒間,以親兩宮); Provision 3) Establish a foundation for politics that is based on sincere sage learning (敦聖學,以立治本); Provision 4) Correct the people’s errors by clearly revealing the way (明道術,以正人心); Provision 5) Entrust confidential retainers and communicate with the people (推腹心,以通耳目); and Provision 6) Receive the heavenly mandate by sincerely engaging self-cultivation and introspection (誠修省,以承天愛).  12The muo sahwa (戊午士禍, Literati Purge of 1498) emerged during the 4th year of the Yŏnsan’gun (1498), and as such occurred prior to Yi Hwang’s birth. Moreover, while the Kapcha sahwa (甲子士禍, Literati Purge of 1504) occurred during the 10th year of Yŏnsan’gun (1504) when T’oegye was four years old, the Kimyo sahwa (己卯士禍, Literati Purge of 1519) emerged during the 14th year of King Chungjong (1519), at which time T’oegye was nineteen years old. As such, all of these three literati purges happened during T’oegye’s lifetime.  13T’oegye had the following to say with regards to Provision 4 of the Six-provision Memorial to the Throne in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏, mujin yukchoso),“Despite my foolishness, I will reveal the To (way) as part of efforts to establish the proper human mind needed to contribute to the advent of new politics.” T’oegyejip (退溪集, Collected works of T’oegye Yi Hwang), Vol. 6, “Sixprovision Memorial to the Throne in the year of Mujin (戊辰六條疏, mujin yukchoso).” “…故臣愚必以明道術以正人心者, 爲新政之獻焉.  14Yi Suhwan, Private Academies of Late Chosŏn (Chosŏn hugi sŏwŏn yŏn’gu), (Seoul: Ilchogak, 2001), pp. 11–16; Yi Usŏng, “T’oegye Yi Hwang and the movement to establish private academies (T’oegye sŏnsaeng kwa sŏwŏn ch’angsŏl undong)”, T’oegye hakpo (Journal of T’oegye Studies), Vol. 28, No. 1 (Seoul: T’oegye Studies Institute, 1980), pp. 203–205  15T’oegyejip (退溪集, Collection of the works of T’oegye Yi Hwang), Vol. 7, “Memorial for Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (進聖學十圖箚, chin sŏnghak sipto ch’a).” 況人主一心, 萬幾所由, 百責所萃, 衆欲互攻.  16Kongsong (工誦): court musicians (akkong) must memorize the Psalms (詩篇, sip’yŏn) and recite them to the king so that he can be aware of its contents.  17Kimyŏng (器銘): engrave the epitaph on the king’s everyday utensils and furniture so that the king can be aware of its contents.  18T’oegyejip (退溪集), Vol. 7. ｢進聖學十圖箚｣. “當初上章論學之言, 旣不足以感發天意, 及後登對屢進之說, 又不能以沃贊睿猷, 微臣悃愊, 不知所出. 惟有昔之賢人君子, 明聖學 而得心法, 有圖有說, 以示人入道之門, 積德之基者, 見行於世, 昭如日星. 玆敢欲乞以是 進陳於左右, 以代古昔帝王工誦器銘之遺意.  19The contents of these disputes will be omitted in this study. For the detailed contents, please refer to Lee Dongkun, Study of the perceptions of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖) during the Chosŏn Era: with a special focus on the trends in terms of the dissemination, deepening and diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Chosŏn sidae sŏnghak sipto ihae e taehan yŏn’gu: sŏnghak sipto yup’o wa simhwa, hwaksan ŭi yangsan ŭl chungsim ŭro), Ph.D. dissertation, Yeungnam University, 2010.  20While T’oegye created the Diagram of the Elementary Learning (小學圖)—Chapter Three, Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy (白鹿洞規圖) —Chapter Five, two illustrations in the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions(心統性情圖)—Chapter Six, and Diagram of the Admonition on “Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖)—Chapter Ten, the others were created by other scholars. The explanations found in these diagrams were based on others’ writings.  21Ch’oe Chaemok, Basic Reading of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Swipke ingnŭn T’oegye ŭi sŏnghak sipto), (Seoul: Yemun seowon, 2004), p. 73.  22Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, Sŏnghak sipto), ｢第五白鹿洞規圖｣. “以上五圖, 本於天道, 而功在明人倫懋德業.”  23Ibid, ｢第五白鹿洞規圖｣. “以上五圖, 原於心性, 而要在勉日用崇敬畏.”  24Korean Association for Studies of Philosophical Thought, Korean Confucianism as Viewed through Diagrams (Tosŏlro ponŭn han’guk yuhak), (Seoul: Yemun seowon, 2000), p.132  25Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖, Sŏnghak sipto), Diagram of the Great Learning (大學圖). 而今玆十圖, 皆以敬爲主焉  26Lee Dongkun, Study of the perceptions of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖) during the Chosŏn Era: with a special focus on the trends in terms of the dissemination, deepening and diffusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (Chosŏn sidae Sŏnghak sipto ihae e taehan yŏn’gu: Sŏnghak sipto yup’o wa simhwa, hwaksan ŭi yangsanŭl chungsim ŭro), Ph.D. dissertation, Yeungnam University, 2010  27Zhu Xi included the following explanation in Chapter 4, Diagram of the Great Learning (大學圖) of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning: 朱子曰, 程子, 嘗以主一無適, 言之, 嘗以整齊嚴肅, 言之, 門人謝氏之說, 則有所謂常惺惺法者焉, 尹氏之說, 則有其心收斂不容一物者焉, 云云, 敬者, 一心之主宰而萬事之本根也.……由是, 格物致知, 以盡事物之理, 則所謂尊德性而道問學, 由是, 誠意正心, 以修其身……由是, 齊家治國, 以及乎天下, 則所謂修己以安百姓篤恭而天下平, 是皆未始一日而離乎敬也. 然則敬之一字, 豈非聖學始終之要也哉.

The following section involves a chronological summary of the characteristics of the contents of works related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced following the original publication of this work. Such an exercise is designed to shed light on the characteristics of the ‘dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning by the kings of Chosŏn and Confucian scholars, as well as on the trends in terms of related annotations’ by the kings of Chosŏn and Confucian scholars.28

First, let us summarize the characteristics of the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. A look at the articles in the Annals of the Chosŏn dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄 , Chosŏn wangjo sillok) related to the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning by the kings of Chosŏn during the 16^th and 17^th centuries29 reveals that from the reign of King Sŏnjo to the reign of King Sukchong the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was recommended as part of the education of kings. All or parts of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were mentioned or used as materials for royal lectures. During the 16^th–17^th centuries, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was manufactured in the form of folding screens, scrapbooks, and printed books during the 2^nd year of King Sŏnjo (1569), 2^nd year of Kwanghaegun (1610), 1^st year of King Injo (1623), and 6^th year of King Sukchong (1665). It was also used as material for the royal lectures during the 7^th year of King Sukchong (1666).

One can find ten cases of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced by scholars during the 16^th–17^th centuries as part of their collections of works (munjip). There are different types30 and scopes of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Contrary to the trend in the dissemination of the book by kings, records show only three instances of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 16^th century. Given this limited number, the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 16^th and 17^th centuries are analyzed together herein. The trends in terms of the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the 16^th–17^th centuries can be summarized as follows.

Let us summarize the works of the above-mentioned scholars pertaining to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

No Susin (1515–1590)’s Sukhŭng yamaejam (chuhae) (夙興夜寐箴 [註解], Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late [annotation])31 is an annotation of Chapter 10, Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. While this book was actually written a little earlier than the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning,32 the inclusion of the Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning resulted in it consequently becoming regarded as an annotation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. No Susin dealt in particular with the ‘inner cultivation of human beings through reverence (敬).

While Yi Tŏkhong (1541–1596)’s Simch’e yongdo (心體用圖, Diagram of the Mind, Essence, and Function) and his other three diagrams33 were not directly related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, Yi, under the obvious influence of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, nevertheless attempted to use diagrams to analyze the notion of sage learning as it related to the concept of mind—nature (心性), engaging in learning (爲學), and engaging in politics (爲政).34

Cho Hoik (1545–1611)’s Che sŏnhak sipto sŏl (題聖學十圖說, Ex-planation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning) discusses whether the theory of five beginnings (五端說)35 laid out in Cheng Fuxin (1279–1368)’s diagram is reasonable or not.

As such, there were very few annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 16^th century. Moreover, a look at the themes addressed makes it amply evident that the discussions on the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were not carried out in an in-depth manner.

In terms of 17^th century works, Yun Wŏnji (1598–1674)’s Igisŏl (理氣說 , Theory of Li-Ki) compared the mid and lower parts of Chapter 6, Diagram of and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning with Yi Yulgok’s Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖). To this end, he used T’oegye’s assertions to criticize Yulgok’s position on the mind, nature, and emotion.36 Yu in particular argued that Yulgok’s later theory of the Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖) and the disputes over the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions), or sach’il nonbyŏn (四七論辨), between Yi Yi and Sŏng Hon were based on fundamental errors.

Yun Hyu (1617–1680)’s Chesun insim tosim chido (帝舜人心道心之圖 , Diagram of the Concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind during the reign of Emperor Shun)(including three diagrams) (including two more diagrams) deals with the issue of the human mind (人心) and moral mind (道心).37 Yun Hyu’s three diagrams share many similarities with T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖). In many ways, these diagrams can be regarded as the application of Chapter 6, Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs the Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Chŏng Sihan (1625–1707)’s Sach’il pyŏnjŭng (四七辨證, Application of the Four Beginnings and Seven Emotions) compares the two diagrams found in T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) with Yulgok’s Diagram of the Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖).38 As Chŏng’s Sach’il pyŏnjŭng is essentially concerned with the disputes over the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions), he introduced T’oegye’s theory of the four beginnings and seven emotions as well as those developed by other scholars in his analysis of the issues surrounding these disputes. He also compares the opposing standpoints adopted by T’oegye and Yulgok on the theory of the mind unifies nature and emotion (心統性情).

Pak Sech’ae (1632–1695)’s Kanjŏng imŭnjŏngssi simhakto (刊定林隱程 氏心學圖 , Diagram of Fu Xin’s Study of the Mind) is a new version of the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) which effectively seeks to eliminate the unnecessary elements of Cheng Fuxin’s own Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) included in T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. More to the point, Pak seeks to clearly define the concepts and methods needed to advance the Study of the Mind (心學).39

O Toil (1645–1703)’s Chinsŏnghak siptobal (進聖學十圖跋, Epilogue on the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning) is an epilogue inserted by O Toil within his transcription of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, a task that was undertaken at the behest of King Sukchong while he was employed at the Hongmun’gwan (Office of Special Advisors).40

Based on a comparison of T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) with Yulgok’s Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖), Ch’oe Tubyŏng (1663–1726)’s Sŏnghakto chung simt’ong sŏngjŏng to (聖學圖中心統性情圖, Study of the Diagram of the Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning)41 is a work that comes out in support of T’oegye’s logic, which is regarded as being more rational.42

Kang Sŏkkyŏng (1666–1731)’s Simsŏngjŏng ligi maengnakto (心性情理氣脈絡圖 , Diagram of the Li-Ki based Theory of Mind, Nature, and Emotions)43 criticizes both the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and the Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖 ) as part of attempts to resolve the main issues raised by T’oegye and Yulgok’s explanations of the mind, nature and emotion (心性情).

As such, although there were more instances of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the 17^th century than the 16^th, the majority of such works produced at the time were focused on the theory of the mind and nature. There were in particular many annotations which compared and analyzed T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and Yulgok’s Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖).

The 18^th century saw the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning be promoted as a key material for sage learning during the reigns of Kings Y?ngjo and Ch?ngjo, and all or parts of the book be used as materials for the royal lectures. The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was produced in the form of folding screens, scrapbooks, and printed books during the 31^st year of King Y?ngjo (1755) and the 23^rd year of King Ch?ngjo (1799). It was also recited to the king as part of royal lectures during the 22^nd year of King Y?ngjo (1746). As can be seen in Table 3, there were four annotations of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 18^th century. Let us take a closer look at the above-mentioned scholars and their writings pertaining to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Yi Ik (1681–1762)’s Simt’ong sŏngjŏng tosŏl (心統性情圖說, Explanation of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions)44 and Sukhŭng yamaejam tosŏl (夙興夜寐箴圖說, Explanation of the Diagram on Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late)45 contains Yi’s annotations of Chapter 6, Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs the Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and Chapter 10, Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning as well as the author’s new interpretations of these sections. Although Yi Ik employed new diagrams, he in essence followed T’oegye’s intent as far as the fundamental contents of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were concerned.

Yi Sangjŏng (1710–1781)’s Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏl (敬齋箴集說, Explanation of the Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio) is a collection of annotations prepared by scholars from the Cheng-Zhu School of Neo-Confucianism (程朱學派) on a subject that had heretofore not been greatly emphasized ‘reverence (敬).’46 Meanwhile, the Simdongjŏng to (心動靜圖, Diagram of the State of the Mind),47 another work attributed to Yi, deals with issues related to the state (mobile-static) of the mind.

An Chŏngbok (1712–17910 wrote three works which either sought to summarize or apply the tenets of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning: the Simdo (心圖, Diagram of the Mind) (two diagrams) (two diagrams), Ch’isim p’alyakto (治心八藥圖, Diagram on the Management of Eight Emotions) and Tongmyŏngdo (東銘圖, Diagram of the Eastern Inscription).48

Hwang Yunsŏk’s Isusin p’yŏn (理數新編, Encyclopedia of Science)49 is a work that decomposes and reorganizes the diagrams of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning before adding comments. Although the annotation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was not the overarching objective of this work, it is nevertheless significant in that it encompasses a comprehensive annotation of the contents of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

As such, although there were not many annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 18^th century, we can see that these annotations dealt with not only the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖), but also the Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio (敬齋箴圖) and Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖); and that in some cases the overall contents of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were in fact annotated. Furthermore, the logic contained in the annotations on the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) of the 18^th century was deeper and further developed than what had been the case with earlier works on that particular topic.

Although the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was in the 19^th century regarded as an important element in terms of kings’ sage learning, few materials have to date been uncovered to indicate that it was in fact used during royal lectures. The 19^th century saw the termination of Chosŏn’s monarch system during the reign of King Kojong. As a result, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was no longer disseminated by kings. The following can be identified as the main annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 19^th century.

Let us take a closer look at the above-mentioned scholars and their writings pertaining to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Yi Tonggan (1757–1822)’s Sŏnghyŏn simhak sadosŏl (聖賢心學四圖說 , Explanation of the Four Diagrams on the Study of the Mind Prepared by Sages) deals with the Study of the Mind (心學). It includes four diagrams with simple annotations, namely the Yije samwang chŏnsimdo (二帝三王傳心圖)50, Osŏng chŏnsimdo (五聖傳心圖)51, Chŏngjuyang hyŏnsim-hak to (程朱兩賢心學圖)52, and T’oegye sŏnsaeng simmu ch’eyong pyŏndo (退溪先生心無體用辨圖).53 Yi’s Sŏnghyŏn simhak sadosŏl (聖賢心學四圖說) includes an annotation related to T’oegye’s Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Yi Hwiryŏng (1788–1861)’s Sŏnghak sipto chipsŏl (聖學十圖集說, Commentary on the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning) is a collection of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning which is no longer extant.54

Hŏ Chŏn (1797–1886)’s Ch’ŏnmin kyŏngdŏkto (天民敬德圖, Diagram of the Reverence and Virtue of Heavenly People), which can be found in his book Chongyorok (宗堯錄),55 is composed of two diagrams in which the structure of sage learning is rendered. Hŏ Chŏn’s Ch’ŏnmin kyŏngdŏkto (天民敬德圖) and Chongyorok (宗堯錄) can be regarded as the first works about the structure of sage learning to be produced since the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Yi Yomuk (1809–1852)’s Sŏnghakto sipich’ŏp pyŏngsŏl (聖學圖十二帖屛說 , Commentary on the Twelve Folding Screen-Version of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning) is composed of twelve diagrams in which the structure of sage learning is expounded upon.56 While the Sŏnghakto sipich’ŏp pyŏngsŏl (聖學圖十二帖屛說) follows the structure of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, Yi Yomuk can be said to have established his own ‘diagram of sage learning (聖學圖)’ as far as the actual contents are concerned.

Chang Pokch’u (1815–1900)’s Sukhŭng yamaejam chipsŏl (夙興夜寐箴集說, Commentary on the Diagram on the Admonition of Rising Early and Retiring Late)57 is a collection of the commentaries of other scholars on T’oegye’s Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. This book is also regarded as an example of the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 19^th century that were concerned with the notion of ‘reverence (敬)’ as part of the wider discussions about the theory of the mind and nature.

Approaching matters from the standpoint of the mind is the principle (心卽理, Xin Ji Li), Yi Chinsang (1816–1886)’s Simgyŏng tosŏl (心經圖說, Enlightenment of the Heart Sutra) in effect attempted to compile the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) based on twenty diagrams related to the Heart Sutra (心經). Meanwhile, his Simyŏk tongjŏng tosŏl (心易動靜圖說, Commentary on the Diagram of the Spontaneity and State of Mind) can be regarded as an attempt to reopen the debate over issues related to the ‘state (mobile-static) of the mind’. In addition, Yi Chinsang’s assertion that the mind is the principle (心卽理) proved to be a catalyst for the emergence during the 19^th century of several annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning on the subject of the theory of the mind and nature.58

Nam Manhoe (1816–1886)’s Chejogun sŏngch’osŏ sŏnghak sipto hu (題趙君性初書聖學十圖後, Epilogue to Cho Sŏngch’o’s transcription of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning) 59 is an epilogue that was added to his friend Cho Sŏngch’o’s transcription of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. This material has been regarded as showcasing the fact that the scholars of the day had a penchant for transcribing the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Song Inho (?–1889)’s Simt’ong sŏngjŏng tobalhwi (心統性情圖發揮, Annotations on the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions)60 is a work which includes various annotations related to the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) contained in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Kwŏn Chuhwan (1825–1893)’s Sŏnghak sipto ŭiŭi (聖學十圖疑義, Questions about the diagrams of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning) is a work that sought to raise questions about the diagrams of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and to engage in discussions about them.

Kim Hŭngnak (1827–1899)’s Iphak odo (入學五圖, Five Diagrams on Achieving Sage Learning) is an annotation which seeks to organize the methods and processes of sage learning. The five diagrams that appear in this work are the Ipchi chido (立志之圖), Kŏgyŏng chido (居敬之圖), Kungni chido (窮理之圖), Yŏkhaeng chido (力行之圖), and Ch’ongdo (總圖). The Iphak odo (入學五圖) introduces the theory regarding the investigation of truth (格致說) developed by Zhu Xi and Cheng Zi in diagram form. Kim also introduced Yi Sangjŏng’s Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏl (敬齋箴集說) in the form of a diagram which he referred to as the Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏldo (敬齋箴集說圖).

Yu Chunggyo (1832–1893)’s Chegyŏngjae chamsukhŭng yamaejam idohu (題敬齋箴夙興夜寐箴二圖後 , Annotations on the Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio and Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late)61 features simple annotations of the Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio (敬齋箴圖) and Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. This work is one of the many annotations related to reverence (敬)produced during the 19^th century. Hŏ Yu (1833–1904)’s Sŏnghak sipto purok (聖學十圖附錄, Appendix to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning)62 is a work which annotates the entire contents of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning from the standpoint of the notion of the mind is the principle (心卽理).

Kwŏn Sangik (1863–1935)’s Ch’ŏnji insim tosŏl (天地仁心圖說 , Commentary on the Mind of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity)63 represents an attempt to bring about the practical application of the tenets of the Diagram of Zhu Xi’s Explanation of Humanity (仁說圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Finally, Kwak Chongsŏk (1864–1919)’s Simdongjŏng tosŏl (心動靜圖說, Commentary on the Diagram of the State of the Mind)64 discussed the issues raised in Yi Sangjŏng’s Simdongjŏng to (心動靜圖).

As such, a greater number of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were produced during the 19^th century than during the preceding one. Moreover, the main issues addressed were those related to the notions of the Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情) and reverence (敬). Thus discussions were expanded to include not only the nature-mind based themes, but also those of the ideological significance of self-cultivation and practice.

There are no examples of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning being disseminated by kings during the 20^th century. Moreover, one cannot find any entries related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning in the Annals of King Sunjong (純宗實錄, Sunjong sillok), the last king of Chosŏn. Given this fact, no discussion on the trends in terms of the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning by kings during the 20^th century is possible. Instead, let us look at the trends in terms of the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. The following can be identified as the main annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 20^th century. Let us take a closer look at the above-mentioned scholars and their writings pertaining to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Kim Pyŏngjong (1871–1931)’s Sŏnghak sokto (聖學續圖, Diagram on the Expansion of Sage Learning)65 is a work which attempts to further expand on the tenets of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. More to the point, it can be regarded as an annotation which seeks to continue to build upon T’oegye’s concept of sage learning.

Yi Yŏngjae (?–?)’s Sŏnghak siptobu yeak pigo (聖學十圖附禮樂比攷, The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning and Comparisons of Rites and Music) 66 was published in Wuhan, China in 1932.

Kim Chongho (1874–?)’s Sŏnghak sipto chipchu (聖學十圖集註, Comprehensive Annotation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning)67 is a comprehensive annotation of the contents of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. However, it is no longer extant.

For its part, Ch’oe Pyŏngsim (1874–1975)’s Hakkyudo (學規圖) 68 is annotation of the Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy(白鹿洞規圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Song Chunp’il (1869–1943)’s Simt’ong sŏngjŏng samdo palhwi (心統性情三圖發揮, Diagram of the Assertions Related to the Notion of the Mind, Nature and Emotion),69 which was in essence a compilation of the assertions related to the notion of the mind, nature and emotion (心性情), includes an annotation of the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Of all the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 20^th century, this is the only such work which deals with the theory of the mind and nature. Another work attributed to Song, the Samulcham chipsŏl (四勿箴集說, Commentary on the Four Cautions)70 is a compilation of annotations related to the notion of samulcham (四勿箴, four cautions).

Chŏng Taesu (1882–1959)’s Kyŏngje sŏnghak sipto hu (敬題聖學十圖後, Examination of the Value of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning)71 constitutes an examination of the value of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. While Chŏng also raised some questions about the work, he nevertheless concluded that the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning represented one of the most precious works of all times (上下古今通讀之寶鑑).

Kim Hwang (1896–1978)’s Kyŏnghak sipto (經學十圖, Diagram on the Confucian Classics)72 is a work that borrows the structure and diagram method employed in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to express the author’s thoughts on the structure of the Study of Confucian Classics (經學). Although Kim dealt with the Study of Confucian Classics rather than the structure of sage learning found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, he nevertheless followed the structure employed in this latter work. Kim Hwang’s Kyŏnghak sipto (經學十圖) is proof positive that the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning continues to be an influential work.

As such, while the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the 19^th century were concerned with new interpretations of this classic work, those produced during the 20^th century were for the most part focused on the establishment of a new structure for sage learning.

28The following are the kings and Confucian scholars involved in the dissemination and compiling of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖). Confucian scholars are presented in the order in which their literary works related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were produced. Whenever the order in which a work was published is unknown, the life span of the author was employed as the standard for classification. The classification of kings was based on the order in which articles related to the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (聖學十圖) appeared.   29As there were in fact few annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning compiled during the 16th–17th centuries, both centuries were classified as one period.  30The annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning prepared by Confucian scholars can be divided into the following types. The contents of this table are based on the classification established by Keum Jangtae, ibid, p. 309.   31No Susin’s Sukhŭng yamaejam (chuhae) (夙興夜寐箴 [註解], Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late [annotation]) divided the overall twenty-six phrases found in the Sukhŭng yamaejam into eight chapters. No prepared annotations of each chapter along with interpretations and explanations of the meaning thereof. This book was written based on No Susin’s own opinions and references to annotations prepared by members of the Cheng-Zhu School of Neo-Confucianism (程朱學派).  32During the process of producing his Sukhŭng yamaejam (chuhae) (夙興夜寐箴 (註解), No Susin modified and supplemented his annotations based on discussions he held with Yi Hwang and Kim Inhu, with whom he corresponded through letters. During this process, T’oegye Yi Hwang pointed out improper phrases contained in No Susin’s annotations, as well as questions regarding theoretical issues pertaining to the notions of mind-nature and self-cultivation. (T’oegye’s Collected Works [退溪先生文集], Vol. 10, 答盧伊齋)  33The terms the ‘other three diagrams’ refers to the “Wihak chido (爲學之圖, Diagram of Engaging in Learning)”, “Wijŏng chido (爲政之圖, Diagram of Engaging in Politics)”, “Pubu yubyŏl chido (夫婦有別之圖, Diagram of the Distinction between Husband and Wife)”  34The “Simch’e yongdo(心體用圖)” seeks to explain the intent behind the notion of simt’ong sŏngjŏng (心統性情, The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions), by dividing the concept of the mind (心) into ch’e (體) and yong (用). However, this particular approach is much simpler than the one found in Chapter 6, Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Meanwhile, the “Wihak chido (爲學之圖)” points out, based on the concept of reverence (敬), the necessity for and methods of self-introspection and reading, in addition to the study of static time (靜時) and motion time (動時). For its part, while the “Wijŏng chido (爲政之圖)” delved on the essence of Confucian politics, the “Pubu yubyŏl chido (夫婦有別之圖)” focused on, using the structure of the lower diagram in Chapter 6 of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, the distinction between husband and wife (夫婦有別). Yi Tŏkhong’s four diagrams were produced during the period in which the influence of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was first felt.  35The theory of the five beginnings (五端說) is a method used to explain human nature. Cheng Fuxin’s diagram was placed in the upper part of Chapter 6, Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖). Within the diagram, Cheng Fuxin added the virtue of trust (信) to benevolence (仁), righteousness (義), propriety (禮), and wisdom (智). Cheng created the five beginnings (端), making trust (信) equivalent to the sense of sincerity (誠實之心), just like benevolence (仁)—sense of sympathy and compassion (惻隱之心), righteousness (義)—sense of shame and disgust (羞惡之心), propriety (禮)—sense of respect and courtesy (讓辭之心), and wisdom (智)–sense of right and wrong (是非之心). The mere compilation of this particular work is an indication that this theory of five beginnings (五端說) emerged an issue during the discussions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning carried out between T’oegye’s disciples.  36Yu said, “In addition, when I took a closer look, I realized that there are many errors in Yulgok’s later theory of the Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖).” (Collection of Cholchae Yu Wŏnji’s Works (拙齋先生文集), 卷8 ｢理氣說｣. 又按栗谷圖後說, 病處猶多); With regard to the disputes over the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions) or sach’il nonbyŏn (四七論辨) between Yi Yi and Sŏng Hon, Yu asserted, “In the Yulgok chip (Collection of Yulgok’s Works), there are sections in which Yi Yi and Sŏng Hon debated various theories. When I looked over the discussions on the sadan ch’ilchŏng (四端七情, four beginnings and seven emotions) Yulgok even goes as far as to state that the mibal chijŏn (未發之前, point prior to emanation) does not contain goodness. When asked about the old saying comparing human beings and horses to Li (principle) and Qi (material force), Yulgok said, ‘Ki rides on li.’ Such a statement is nothing short of deplorable.” (Collection of Cholchae Yu Wŏnji’s Works (拙齋先生文集), Vol. 8 ｢理氣說｣. “栗谷集中, 有牛溪與栗谷往復問答諸說, 見其於四端七情,……謂未發之前亦有不善, 復引古人人馬譬理氣之喩, 乃曰, 氣 乘理, 可歎).  37Chesun insim tosim chido (帝舜人心道心之圖) is an introductory explanation of the famous phrase contained in the “Dayumo (大禹謨, Counsels of the Great Yu)” section of the Classic of History (書經), “The human mind is only anxious and dangerous while the moral mind is only subtle and indiscernible. Be discriminating, be uniform (in the pursuit of what is right), that you may sincerely hold fast the Mean. (人心惟危, 道心惟微, 惟精惟一, 允執厥中)”.  38Chŏng Sihan criticized Yulgok’s theory from the standpoint of T’oegye (Collection of Udam Chŏng Sihan’s Works (愚潭先生文集), Vol. 7, 四七辨證).  39In his Kanjŏng imŭnjŏngssi simhakto (刊定林隱程氏心學圖), Pak Sech’ae’s criticisms of T’oegye and Yulgok’s interpretations of the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) became the backdrop for his development of a new version of the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖). His viewpoint is clearly on display in the following passage: “Cheng Fuxin’s Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) has been thoroughly analyzed by both T’oegye and Yulgok in a detailed manner. However, the problems associated with the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) are rooted in the need to sort out the coarseness … I simply omitted and cut out the vexatious and repetitive parts of the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) so as to ensure that only the proper and important contents are exposed, and adopted as the basis for self-cultivation and introspection. … this will become a study with clear contexts. One who enters the door of sages based on this new version of the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) will not face any obstacles. There will be no need to refer to any other sources.” (Collection of Namgye Pak Munsun’s Works (南溪先生朴文純公文正集), Vol.53, 雜著, 圖, ｢刊定林隱程氏心學圖｣. “程氏心學圖, 退栗二先生之辨晳矣. 然其病, 在於不擇精粗,……愚輒刊略其煩複, 表著其正大者, 以爲朝夕存省之地. ……脈絡分明, 工夫端的. 由此入於聖賢之門, 將無所禦, 則宜非他說可得而參焉.”)  40In his epilogue, Chinsŏnghak siptobal (進聖學十圖跋) O Toil attempted to analyze the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning from a different standpoint. With regard to the perception of the structure of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, while T’oegye contrasted the heavenly way (天道) to mind-nature (心性) and standard (標準) – study (學) –achievement (事功), O Toil contrasted heaven and man to nature and mandate (天人性命) and learning to process (學問工程). These perceptions reveal the fact that fundamental principles and academic practices constitute the basic sphere and tasks of sage learning.  41Collection of P’yŏngam Ch’oe Tubyŏng’s Works (坪菴集), Vol. 2, 圖說, ｢聖學圖中心統性情圖｣.  42Sŏnghakto chung simt’ong sŏngjŏng to (聖學圖中心統性情圖) is included in Vol. 2 of Collection of P’yŏngam Ch’oe Tubyŏng’s Works (坪菴集). Ch’oe’s book is composed of twenty-one diagrams which indirectly commentate on T’oegye and Yulgok’s assertions regarding the mind, nature and emotion. Ch’oe’s explanations of these twenty-one diagrams, which are connected to one another in terms of their themes, reveal indirect support and acceptance of T’oegye’s theory of the mind and nature.  43Collection of Kang Sŏkkyŏng’s works (喫眼窩集), 別集 Vol. 2.  44The contents of Yi Ik’s Simt’ong sŏngjŏng tosŏl (心統性情圖說) are included in: Collection of Sŏngho Yi Ik’s Works (星湖先生全集), Vol. 41, 雜著, ｢心統性情圖說｣. “心有血肉之心, 有神明之心. 血肉之心, 是五 臟之一, 卽所謂神明之舍也. 神明之心, 是血肉之心, 中氣之精英, 卽所謂出入存亡者也. 不言血肉則無以明心之動靜及性情之根委, 不言神明則又無以明夫靜而統性動而統情者皆心之爲也.”)  45Yi Ik subdivided the original contents of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) in a temporal manner, namely from ch’uksi (1:30–2:30 am) to haesi (9:30–10:30 pm), and interpreted their contents in relation to the cultivation of reverence (敬). This can be regarded as a more detailed classification than T’oegye, who broke down the contents of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) into seven theme-based parts.  46Yi Sangjŏng’s Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏl (敬齋箴集說) is composed of Yi’s own work, Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏl sŏmun (敬齋箴集說序文), and the Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio (敬齋箴圖) from the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, as well as the Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏl (敬齋箴集說). Yi included many of the theories of scholars from the Cheng-Zhu School of Neo-Confucianism (程朱學派), including Zhu Xi, Cheng Zi, and Nanxuan Zhang Shi. Furthermore, the Kyŏngjaejam chipsŏl (敬齋箴集說) also included T’oeg ye’s theor y on the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio (敬齋箴).  47The Simdongjŏng to (心動靜圖) deals with the state (mobile-static) of the mind. The Simdongjŏng to (心動靜圖) is composed of Zhu Xi’s statements on the state of the mind contained in the Question of the Mean (中庸或問 and Answer to Nanxuan Zhang Shi (答南軒書), and the contents related to the state of the mind found in works such as the Commentary on the Diagram of the Great Absolute (太極圖說解), the Dahu guangzhong shu (答胡廣仲書), and Daxu yanzhang shu (答徐彦章書). Rather than simply introducing his opinions, Yi used related contents from Zhu Xi’s writings to support his positions. The issues raised by Yi in Simdongjŏng to (心動靜圖) were subsequently discussed by Yi Chinsang (1818–1886) in his Simyŏk tongjŏngdo sŏl (心易動靜圖說) and Kwak Chongsŏk (1864–1919) in his Simdong chŏngdo sŏl (心動靜圖說).  48An Chŏngbok’s Simdo (心圖, Diagram of the Mind) (two diagrams), Ch’isim p’alyakto (治心八藥圖, Diagram on the Management of Eight Emotions) and Tongmyŏngdo (東銘圖, Diagram of the Eastern Inscription) both involve the practical application of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. The Simdo (心圖) (two diagrams) simplified the contents of T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs the Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖). The Ch’isim p’alyakto (治心八藥圖) suggests the methods to control the mind in the case of anger, selfish desire, harshness, unexpectedness, happiness, fear, anxiety, and grief. The Tongmyŏngdo (東銘圖) is a diagram of the Eastern Inscription (東銘, Dongming) written by Zhang Hengqu (Zhang Zai). As both the Eastern Inscription (東銘) and Western Inscription (西銘, Ximing) were written by Zhang Zai, we can see that An’s Tongmyŏngdo (東銘圖) was in fact a practical application of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning’s Diagram of the Western Inscription (西銘圖).  49For more on the studies on Hwang Yunsŏk’s Isusin p’yŏn (理數新編), please refer to Pae Yundŏk, “Study of Hwang Yunsŏk’s Isusin p’yŏn (理數新編) (Hwang Yunsŏk ŭi Isusin p’yŏn (理數新編) yŏn’gu)”, Tongbang hakchi, Vol. 97 (Seoul: Institute for Korean Studies, Yonsei University, 1997); Ryu Inyŏng, Analysis of the Lisusin p’yŏn (理數新編) (Isusin p’yŏnŭi kwan’gyŏn)”, Han’guk suhaksa hakhoeji, Vol. 13 (Seoul: The Korean Society for History of Mathematics, 2000)  50The Yije samwang chŏnsimdo (二帝三王傳心圖) was produced to convey the concept that internal knowledge (心法, Xinfa) represented the key to the peaceful rule of two emperors and three kings, namely Yao (堯), Shun (舜), Yu (禹), Tang (湯), and Wu (武). (Collection of Ch’imsan Yi Tonggan’s Works (砧山文集), Vol. 2, 雜著, ｢二帝三王 傳心圖｣).  51The osŏng (five sages) referred to in the Osŏng chŏnsimdo (五聖傳心圖) are Confucius, Yan Zi, Zeng Zi, Zisi, and Mencius. The book includes a diagram of the concept of internal knowledge (心法, Xinfa) as expounded upon by these five sages. Collection of Ch’imsan Yi Tonggan’s Works (砧山文集), Vol. 2, 雜著, 五聖傳心圖)  52The Chŏngjuyang hyŏnsimhak to (程朱兩賢心學圖) expresses the core of the concept of internal knowledge (心法, Xinfa) developed by Cheng Mingdao and Zhu Xi in the form of a diagram. The works referred to in this diagram include the Compilation and Study of the Cheng Brothers (二程全書), Bibliographies of Ming Dao Xiansheng (明道先生行狀), Zhuzi daquan (朱子大全), the “zunde xingzhai ming (尊德性齋銘). (Collection of Ch’imsan Yi Tonggan’s Works (砧山文集), 卷2, 雜著, ｢程朱兩賢心學圖｣)  53The T’oegye sŏnsaeng simmu ch’eyong pyŏndo (退溪先生心無體用辨圖) attempts to express the entire contents of Vol. 41: 心無體用辨 of T’oegyejip (退溪集) in six pages of diagrams. Ch’imsan Yi Tonggan incorporated the work of T’oegye Yi Hwang in the final section of the Sŏnghyŏn simhak sadosŏl (聖賢心學四圖說), thereby indirectly revealing that he accepted T’oegye as the rightful heir to the sages in terms of the Study of the Mind (心學). (Collection of Ch’imsan Yi Tonggan’s Works (砧山文集), Vol. 2, 雜著, ｢聖賢心學四圖說｣)  54Collection of Kogye Yi Hwiryŏng’s Works (古溪集), Vol. 8, ｢附錄ㆍ墓碣銘｣. “又曰吾先生祖四七理氣說, 所以承朱子之說, …遂輯古聖賢要訓, 編爲十圖集說.”  55In his work, Chongyorok (宗堯錄) Hŏ Chŏn established a new structure for sage learning. Hŏ perceived heaven, people, reverence, and the virtue of the ruler as being the essence of sage learning, and referred to the diagram in which he comprehensively exhibited the theory developed in the Chongyorok (宗堯錄) as the Ch’ŏnmin kyŏngdŏkto (天民敬德圖).  56The twelve diagrams are the following: 1. Iphak tosŏl (入學圖說) 2. Ipp’um tosŏl (入品圖說) 3. Samdal tosŏl (三達圖說) 4. Kyŏngŭi hyŏpchi tosŏl (敬義夾持圖說) 5. Sindong tosŏl (愼動圖說) 6. Sŏngsin kidosŏl (誠神幾圖說) 7. Ligi sŏnhu tosŏl (理氣先後圖說) 8. Kijil sŏngch’ŏn chisŏng hap tosŏl (氣質性天地性合圖說) 9. Kyesŏn sŏngsŏng tosŏl (繼善成性圖說) 10. Int’aegŭk tosŏl (人太極圖說) 11. Sŏnggyŏng tosŏl (誠敬圖說) 12. Chunghwa tosŏl (中和圖說).  57The Sukhŭng yamaejam chipsŏl (夙興夜寐箴集說) encompasses T’oegye’s diagrams, No Susin’s annotations, and commentaries from various scholars from the Cheng-Zhu School, including T’oegye and Yi Sangjŏng. In his work, Sukhŭng yamaejam chipsŏl (夙興夜寐箴集說) “Chang Pokch’u shows obvious signs of having accepted T’oegye’s point of view. Chang has divided the contents of his work into seven chapters and setup detailed matters related to the theme of self-cultivation in each chapter. Chang’s addition of the Sŏnyu nonhak chisŏl (先儒論學之說) at the end of the book as a general remark belies his interest in ensuring make that learning be brought about based on these diagrams. As such, he regards the theories of self-cultivation and learning as being inseparable within the system of the Study of Tao (道學). Although Chang’s structure is very complicated, his work introduces various self-cultivation tasks” (Keum Jangtae, ibid, p. 245).  58Keum Jangtae, ibid, p. 317.  59Collection of Sogye Nam Manhoe’s Works (小溪文集), Vol. 1  60The Simt’ong sŏngjŏng tobalhwi (心統性情圖發揮) includes assertions made by many scholars from the Cheng-Zhu School pertaining to the notion of the Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情), various discussions of T’oegye’s letters related to the topic of mind-nature(心性), essence-function (體用), harmony-mean (中和), and four beginnings-seven emotions (四七).  61Yu Chunggyo divided each of the seven sections of T’oegye’s Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖) into two parts (all together thirteen parts) and commentated on each part.  62The Sŏnghak sipto purok (聖學十圖附錄) effectively integrates existing annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to explains the ten diagrams found therein. Of particular interest is the fact that Hŏ Yu interpreted T’oegye’s assertions included in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning based on Yi Chinsang’s theory of the mind is the principle (心卽理).  63The Ch’ŏnji insim tosŏl (天地仁心圖說) was produced after Kwŏn had read the letter from Zhu Xi to Zhang Hengqu regarding the theory of humanity (仁說). It is composed of the Ch’ŏnji insim chido (天地仁心之圖) and other related diagrams. Furthermore, as it includes an explanation of the notion of the benevolent mind (仁心) Kwŏn Sangik’s Ch’ŏnji insim tosŏl (天地仁心圖說) can also be regarded as being related to the theory of the mind and nature.  64The Simdongjŏng tosŏl (心動靜圖說) dealt with the theory of the state (mobile-static) of mind raised by Yi Sangjŏng during the 18th century. Kwak Chongsŏk was Yi Chinsang’s disciple. Yi Chinsang also wrote the Simyŏk tongjŏng tosŏl (心易動靜圖說), a work that dealt with the same issue. As such, we can see that the theory of the state (mobile-static) of mind continued to be discussed amongst scholars as part of in-depth debates on mind-nature theory.  65The Sŏnghak sokto (聖學續圖) is composed of ten diagrams. However, the contents differ from those of T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. The ten diagrams found in the Sŏnghak sokto (聖學續圖) consist of: 1. T’aegŭk tosŏldo (太極圖說圖) 2. Sohak chesado (小學題辭圖) 3. Taehak kyŏngilchang to (大學經一章圖) 4.Chungyongdo (中庸圖) 5. The entire five diagrams of Hyangdang p’yŏndo (鄕黨篇圖) 6. Hohangnon to (好學論圖) 7. Tongmyŏngdo (東銘圖) 8. Samulcham to (四勿箴圖) 9. Simgyŏngch’an to (心經贊圖) 10. Pyŏngmyŏngdo (屛銘圖).  66The Sŏnghak siptobu yeak pigo (聖學十圖附禮樂比攷) was published by Yi Yŏngjae, who was a descendent of T’oegye. Yi went to China after the collapse of the Chosŏn dynasty. He is said to have always carried T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning with him. With the help of a person named Zhang Zhenhan, Yi published the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning in 1932 in Wuhan, China. The present book under discussion can be divided into two halves. In this regard, while the first consists of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, the second is occupied by the Hwaryŏ yeak pigo (華麗禮樂比攷). The Hwaryŏ yeak pigo (華麗禮樂比攷) is a work that compares the ceremonies for adulthood, marriage, funeral, and ancestral worship (冠婚喪祭) conducted in Korea and China. However, Yi’s Sŏnghak siptobu yeak pigo (聖學十圖附禮樂比攷) drew attention because of the section on rites and music (禮樂), which was included as an appendix, rather than for the inclusion of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. (National Gugak Center, Collection of Materials for Korean Musicology (韓國音樂學資料叢書), Vol. 40, (Seoul: National Gugak Center), pp. 240–242).  67Collection of Yangjae’s Works (陽齋集), Appendix, 丙子 7月條. “金佩弦集諸家說之發, 明十圖者爲集註”.  68Hakkyudo (學規圖) is a practical application of the Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy (白鹿洞規圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. By adding the tenets of the Yŏssi hyangyak (呂氏鄕約) to T’oegye’s Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy (白鹿洞規圖), Ch’oe in effect produced a more comprehensive annotation of the Diagram of the Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy (白鹿洞規圖). One can find numerous examples during the 20th century of writings which sought to establish a new structure for sage learning based on new interpretations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. In this regard, Ch’oe Pyŏngsim’s Hakkyudo (學規圖) can be perceived as one such work.  69Song Chunp’il’s Simt’ong sŏngjŏng samdo palhwi (心統性情三圖發揮) is composed of the Confucian classics, essays by many scholars from the Cheng-Zhu School, mind, nature, and emotion (心性情) related essays written by T’oegye and Yi Sangjŏng, and Song’s own commentary.  70The Samulcham chipsŏl (四勿箴集說) is a collection of annotations of the samulcham (四勿箴). It can also be regarded as an attempt to bring about a practical application of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Although the notion of samulcham (四勿箴) was not included in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, T’oegye had nevertheless shown a special interest in this topic.  71Chŏng Taesu was Kanjae Chŏn Wu’s disciple. As he was a disciple of Chŏn Wu, who had inherited the legitimacy of the Kiho School of Confucianism in Chosŏn, Chŏng’s Kyŏngje sŏnghak sipto hu (敬題聖學十圖後) can be regarded as a work which exposes T’oegye’s influence on the Kiho School.  72The Kyŏnghak sipto (經學十圖) is composed of diagrams of the Five Classics (五經)—Classic of Poetry, Classic of History, Classic of Rites, Classic of Changes, and Spring and Autumn Annals— and diagrams of the Five Books (五書)—Great Learning, Doctrine of the Mean, Analects of Confucius, Mencius, and Elementary Learning. Kim Hwang structured these Confucian classics and books in a manner which facilitated the task of expressing their core contents. It is evident that Kim’s Kyŏnghak sipto (經學十圖) was influenced by T’oegye’s Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Desiring to analyze the trends in the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the Chosŏn era, this study analyzed how this classic work was produced, disseminated, and diffused by kings and ensuing generations of Confucian scholars.

First, very few annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were in fact produced during the 16^th century. What’s more, these annotations only dealt with a limited number of themes. As such, no in-depth ideological discussions and annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were prepared in the century in which it was originally produced, namely the 16^th century. A greater number of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were however carried out during the 17^th century. The annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning prepared during the 17^th century were for the most part focused on the theory of the mind and nature (心性論, simsŏngnon). In this regard, Yu Wŏnji’s Igisŏl, Chŏng Sihan’s Sach’il ch’uwŏn, Ch’oe Tubyŏng’s Sŏnghakto chung simt’ong sŏngjŏng to, and Kang Sŏkkyŏng’s Simsŏngjŏng ligi maengnakto compared and analyzed T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning with Yi Yulgok’s Diagram of Mind, Nature, and Emotion (心性情圖). This particular trend is evidence of the fact that active discussions were held during the 17^th century in the Yŏngnam and Kiho areas on the subject of the theory of the mind and nature as developed in T’oegye’s Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs the Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning.

Although a limited number of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were in fact produced during the 18^th century, this period nevertheless saw a deepening of the arguments related to the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖). Furthermore, it was also during this period that annotations of sections that dealt with the matter of reverence (敬), namely the Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness Studio (敬齋箴圖) and the Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖), as well as annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning as a whole, began to be produced.

The 19^th century saw a marked increase in the number of annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, with the main themes addressed being those of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情) and reverence (敬). These discussions dealt not only with the theme of the mind and nature from the standpoint of its ideological significance, but also encompassed debates on self-cultivation and the practical application of such tenets. In addition, comprehensive annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning were also produced during the 19^th century. This can be seen as an attempt to not only integrate the theories found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, but also, as can be seen in the Sŏnghak sipto purok, to develop new interpretations of this seminal work

The annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 20^th century expanded upon the new interpretations developed during the 19^th century by pursuing a new structure for sage learning. Examples of such works include Kim Pyŏngjong’s Sŏnghak sokto and Kim Hwang’s Kyŏnghak sipto.

The above-mentioned analysis of the trends in terms of the dissemination of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, as well as with regards to the annotations thereof, during the 16^th–20^th centuries, wields several conclusions as far as the perceptions of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the Chosŏn era is concerned.

First, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning influenced the Chosŏn era as the significances in the ‘learning of monarchs and concept of governance’. The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning was manufactured in easily accessible forms such as folding screens and scrapbooks, thereby making it possible for kings to be constantly reminded and enlightened by its tenets. This particular work can as such be perceived as an important element of the comprehensive sage learning structure developed in Chosŏn, a structure that encompassed the learning of monarchs.

Second, the trends associated with the dissemination and annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning proved to have a marked influence on the development and theoretical deepening of Neo-Confucianism in Korea. This is evidenced by a closer look at the annotations of the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) produced during the 17^th century, and the overall annotations compiled during the 19^th century. More to the point, the annotations of the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) produced during the 17^th century discussed the differences between the mind-nature theories of T’oegye and Yulgok, a denouement which in turn greatly influenced the deepening of the mind-nature theory during the developmental process of Neo-Confucianism. The two main trends evident in the annotations of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning produced during the 19^th century are the popularity of annotations on the topic of reverence(敬), as well as of those concerned with the mind-nature theory developed in the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖).While reverence (敬)—centered annotations discussed about the mode of existence of the mind in terms of the practical application of Confucianism—based moral principles, the examinations of mind-nature theory based on annotations of the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and the Diagram of the Study of the Mind (心學圖) sought to further define the mode of existence of the internal world of man. These trends in terms of the annotation of the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning not only show the sophisticated mind-nature based standpoint inherent in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, but can also be regarded as an example of how the reverence (敬)-oriented system, in the form of the theoretical deepening of the notions of reverence (敬) and mind-nature theory, became further entrenched during the developmental process of Neo-Confucianism in Chosŏn. In addition, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning contributed to the establishment of the tradition of expressing the tenets of the Cheng-Zhu School of Thought in diagram form. The systematic nature and simplicity of the diagram structure found in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning resulted in this book becoming a model for many other diagram-based works in the future generations.

Third, T’oegye’s thought served as the ideological basis for the Silhak (Practical Learning) School of Thought. This is evidenced by the fact that the prominent Silhak scholar Yi Ik annotated the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning during the 18^th century, with special attention being paid to the Diagram of The Mind Combines and Governs Nature and Emotions (心統性情圖) and Diagram of the Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late (夙興夜寐箴圖). Yi Ik also adopted T’oegye as his model in his work on self-cultivation entitled Lija suŏ. Meanwhile, the Silhak scholar Chŏng Yakyong (1762–1836)’s adoption of T’oegye as his model in his Tosan sasuknok (陶山私淑錄) constitutes another salient example of the extent of the influence of T’oegye’s thought on the Silhak School of Thought.